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赵紫阳,改变了我们生活的中国革命者
(博讯2005年4月06日)
    
    原题:改变了我们生活的中国革命者
     (博讯 boxun.com)

    罗波特.汤姆森 / 萧政丰 译
    
    2005年1月21日
    
    当你购买一部中国产的电视机,尽管中国作为真正的产地可能藏在日本品牌的后面,你就已经对赵紫阳付出了一份敬意。如果你今年刚刚把个人电脑更新换代,装上了新式的IBM,IBM不久前已经被中国的联想所收购,你也已经付出了一份对赵紫阳的敬意。如果你鼓励你的孩子学一点汉语,因为在他们成长的一生中这一点语言的能力不可免地会给他们创造更多的机会,你也已经向赵紫阳付出一份敬意。
    
    并不是本星期去世而中国政府又拼命不去理会的赵紫阳会在乎这一点点敬意。尽管中国政府有高高在上的传统和一整套阿谀奉承的排场使伦敦的老爷们都嫉妒,是赵紫阳把自我嘲弄的概念引进了中国的政治,敢于做出反其道而行之在公开场合开自己的玩笑。
    
    对中国共产党来说进退两难的是现在掌权的精英们知道如果没有赵就没有他们现在的位置,但是去祭奠他就是对党的合法存在提出挑战。当1989年赵紫阳在天安门广场动感情地看望学生的时候,那个不知所措的跟着他去的官员就是现在的总理温家宝。因为天安门,温对赵的敬仰看来只有深藏心底了。
    
    对很多外界的评论家来说,问题正好相反。赵去世以后,过多的分析都是集中在天安门的悲剧。有一个原因就是这些新闻工作者们更能讲讲自己当时在北京的亲身经验,把五千年的中国历史当成了他们当时在场经历的广告插播。这些外国记者的经验并不总是反映中国人民的经验。
    
    从窄小的个人经验出发窥视赵紫阳对政策影响的重大意义和他的政策对其他发展中国家影响的意义,意味着曲解。他和其他主张改革的干部对不人道的乌托邦狂热有第一手的经验;他们认识到几十年的贫困的原因是一个错误的教义和一个领袖所共同带来的;是毛泽东把这种教义套上他自己的形象,创造了以他自己为主宰的全民膜拜。
    
    曾经有许许多多表衷心的作品,包括红宝书的指引下做复杂手术之类的神话,还有辽源煤矿聋哑人突然能歌唱毛主席的赞美歌指类的故事。即使是1985年我到北京作记者,赵紫阳已经是总理了,这类的令人哭笑不得的无聊的东西还是占据了中国千百万人的心灵。也不一定是人人逐字逐句地相信这些奇奇怪怪的说法,而是如果你公开说不相信这些东西还是政治上太危险。
    
    好奇心被抑制,正直简直就是偶然。1966年-1976年的文革当中,谈话中漏嘴会引起怀疑,清算也不一定完全出于政治原因。如果你对邻居不满,觊觎人家的“飞鸽”牌自行车,打一个他“资产阶级倾向”的小报告,就可以使街道委员会行动起来。如此就能证明你自己的思想纯洁。
    
    当文化大革命结束的时候,赵紫阳在四川做改变经济和精神面貌的试点,用以重建一个丧失自信心的国度。改变世界的中国出口的巨大增长就是从这些小村子开始的。在这些小村子里,农民可以把征粮额度以外的收获卖到自由市场和发展副业。这些对于饥荒深有体验的村民那个时候唱出的民谣就是:“要吃粮,找紫阳。”
    
    中国的政治体系还远没有改革完成,就像赵紫阳逝世共产党莫名其妙的反映所显示的一样,但是在中国个人和经济的解放是持续的。在英国学习的中国的年轻人有在他们出生之时不可能想象的机会。如果赵紫阳在四川早期的实验不成功的话,如果赵和其他人没有改变了一些制度的话,同样这些学生恐怕要在一个普遍贫穷的社会里,坐在教室里冥想“阶级斗争”了。
    
    似乎应该用毛泽东的一首词来祭送赵紫阳这个宽容、谦逊的人文主义者。毛作为诗人远远强过他作为领袖。
    
    俏也不争春,只把春来报。
    待到山花烂漫时,她在丛中笑。
    (卜算子 咏梅 1961)
    
    罗波特.汤姆森(Robert Thomson)是英国泰晤士报80年代驻京记者,现为该报编辑。
    
    原文:
    
    The Chinese revolutionary who changed the way that we live
    Robert Thomson
    
    WHEN YOU purchase a Chinese-made television set, which may be hiding its true identity behind a Japanese brand name, you are paying homage to Zhao Ziyang. If your personal computer is replaced this year with a newfangled desktop from IBM, just taken over by a Chinese company called Lenovo, you are paying homage to Zhao Ziyang. And if you are encouraging, if not forcing, your children to learn Mandarin because of the inevitable opportunities that the language will create in their lifetime, you are paying homage to Zhao Ziyang.
    
    Not that Zhao, whose death this week has been assiduously ignored by the Chinese Government, would have been a hostage to such homage. Despite the imperial tradition of intimidation and of systems of sycophancy that even London luvviedom would eye enviously, Zhao introduced the concept of self-effacement to Chinese politics, daring to commit the ultimate act of institutional anarchy — joking at his own expense in public.
    
    The Turandotty riddle for the Communist Party is that most of the ruling elite know that they owe their current position to Zhao and yet to laud him is to challenge the very existence of the party. When Zhao made an emotional visit to protesting students in Tiananmen Square in 1989, the bemused official who accompanied him was Wen Jiabao, now the country’s Prime Minister. Because of Tiananmen, Wen’s admiration for Zhao is the political love that dare not speak its name.
    
    For most outside commentators, the problem is precisely the opposite. Too much analysis in the days since Zhao’s death has focused solely on the tragedy of Tiananmen, in part because journalists, fond of telling personal anecdotes about their experience in Beijing at that time, perceive the preceding 5,000 years of Chinese history as a commercial break that presages their own appearance on the scene. The experience of foreign correspondents in China does not always replicate the experience of the Chinese in China.
    
    The perversity of viewing Zhao through the puny prism of limited personal experience is that the significance of his influence on policy and the potential significance of his policies for other developing countries is obscured. He was among a cadre of reformers who had witnessed first-hand the inhumanity of ideology run amok, and who knew that the reason for decades of deprivation was the combination of a fraudulent philosophy and a leader, Mao Zedong, who fashioned that philosophy in his own image, creating a secular spirituality with himself, naturally enough, as godhead.
    
    There was a large library of devotional literature, including miraculous tales of complicated operations being performed under the gauche guidance of The Little Red Book and of inspired deaf-mutes at the Liaoyuan Mining Administration suddenly able to sing the praises of Chairman Mao. Even in 1985, when I arrived in Beijing as a correspondent and Zhao was Prime Minister, this genre of tragi-comic nonsense still had a hold on hundreds of millions of people. Not that they necessarily believed every weird word, but because it was still politically dangerous to suggest publicly that you did not believe every word.
    
    Curiosity was discouraged and integrity was incidental. During the Cultural Revolution (officially 1966-76) a stray conversation was enough to raise suspicion and the purges were only partly political. If you had a grudge against a neighbour, and coveted his Flying Pigeon bicycle, then spreading a few rumours about “bourgeois tendencies” would be enough to excite the street committee to action. The desired result was that your own ideological purity would be proved and you would have a better bicycle.
    
    As the Cultural Revolution was drawing to a close, Zhao was in Sichuan, experimenting with the economic and psychological therapy that would be required to reconstruct a country that did not trust itself, let alone anyone else. The great, world-changing Chinese export boom began in small villages, where farmers were allowed to sell produce on free markets once their state quota had been filled and encouraged to develop sideline businesses. For a population too familiar with famine, the punning peasant rhyme of the era was: Yao chi liang, zhao Ziyang — if you want to eat grain, look to Ziyang.
    
    China’s political system is far from reformed, as the Communist conundrum over Zhao’s passing has reinforced, but the personal and economic emancipation continues. Young Chinese studying in Britain have choices almost unimaginable when they were born, and yet if those early experiments in Sichuan had failed, and if Zhao and a few others had not institutionalised change, those same students would be sitting mute in classrooms contemplating whether or not “class struggle ” was relevant in a society in which all were impoverished.
    
    Perhaps it is best to bid farewell to Zhao, a tolerant and humble humanist, with a stanza from Mao Zedong, a far better poet than he was a leader:
    
    Sweet and fair, she craves not spring for herself alone,
    To be the harbinger of spring she is content.
    When the mountain flowers are in full bloom
    She will smile, mingling in their midst.
    (From Ode to the Plum Blossom, 1961)
    
    The author is Editor of The Times
    
    
    转自新世纪 (博讯 boxun.com)
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